By Dave McRae
Regardless of no earlier background of modern unrest, Poso, from 1998-2007, turned the location of the main protracted inter-religious clash in postauthoritarian Indonesia, in addition to essentially the most very important theatres of operations for the Jemaah Islamiyah terrorist community. 9 years of violent clash among Christians and Muslims in Poso increased a formerly little recognized district in jap Indonesia to nationwide and international prominence. Drawing on a decade of analysis, for the main half performed whereas the clash was once ongoing, this booklet offers the 1st finished heritage of this violence. It additionally addresses the puzzle of why the Poso clash was once in a position to persist for thus lengthy in an more and more, strong democratic kingdom, regardless of the take place weaknesses of the small teams of guys using the violence.
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Additional info for A Few Poorly Organized Men: Interreligious Violence in Poso, Indonesia
8 The remaining seven seats were spread between six different new parties. The district parliament’s official preselection of candidates for district head had not commenced in December 1998, when the riot took place. Nevertheless, most of the likely contenders for the post were already clearly known locally, as most of these men had also contested the most recent district head election in 1994. Among the hopefuls, district 4 See also ‘Gubernur Suteng Coret Nama Pelima dan Malik’, Surya, 15 April 1994.
Nevertheless, we should be cautious in assuming too direct a link between demographic change or associated tensions and subsequent violence. There is no close correlation between the timing of major population changes and the occurrence of violence, for example. Furthermore, the proportion of Muslims in Poso remained relatively constant for over a decade prior to the start of the conflict, after exceeding 60 per cent of the population by the mid 1980s. Nor did the sudden shift to a Christian majority population in 2004 result in an upsurge in violence, even though the shift swiftly saw Muslim incumbents lose their control of local politics.
But in the immediate aftermath of Suharto’s resignation these circumstances counter-intuitively led the old guard to race to implement previously antithetical reforms. Only by doing so could they hope to pursue a degree of democratic legitimacy and thereby secure their own political survival (Crouch 2010). The pace of reform during Habibie’s presidency stood in stark contrast to the years of authoritarian rule under Suharto. Fifty laws were passed in just eighteen months under Habibie, almost half as many as were passed in the preceding three decades (Anwar 2010:103).
A Few Poorly Organized Men: Interreligious Violence in Poso, Indonesia by Dave McRae